{"id":1068,"date":"2013-06-29T13:03:51","date_gmt":"2013-06-29T13:03:51","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/housedivided.dickinson.edu\/sites\/lincoln\/?p=1068"},"modified":"2016-06-19T01:56:16","modified_gmt":"2016-06-19T01:56:16","slug":"letter-to-cuthbert-bullitt-july-28-1862","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/housedivided.dickinson.edu\/sites\/lincoln\/letter-to-cuthbert-bullitt-july-28-1862\/","title":{"rendered":"Letter to Cuthbert Bullitt (July 28, 1862)"},"content":{"rendered":"<h3><strong>Ranking<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p><em><span style=\"color: #0000ff; font-size: 36px;\">#112<\/span> on the list of 150 Most Teachable Lincoln Documents<\/em><\/p>\n<h3>Annotated Transcript<\/h3>\n<p><a href=\"http:\/\/hd.housedivided.dickinson.edu\/node\/40493\" target=\"_blank\">&#8220;If they will not do this, if they prefer to hazard all for the sake of destroying the government, it is for them to consider whether it is probable I will surrender the government to save them from losing all. If they decline what I suggest, you scarcely need to ask what I will do. What would you do in my position? Would you drop the war where it is? Or, would you prosecute it in future, with elder-stalk squirts, charged with rose water? Would you deal lighter blows rather than heavier ones? Would you give up the contest, leaving any available means unapplied.&#8221;<\/a><\/p>\n<h3>On This Date<\/h3>\n<p><a href=\"http:\/\/hd.housedivided.dickinson.edu\/panel\/this_date\/1862-07-28\" target=\"_blank\">HD Daily Report, July 28, 1862<\/a><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"http:\/\/www.thelincolnlog.org\/Results.aspx?type=CalendarDay&amp;day=1862-07-28\" target=\"_blank\">The Lincoln Log, July 28, 1862<\/a><\/p>\n<h3>Custom Map<\/h3>\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/maps.google.com\/maps\/ms?msid=214923210427089848626.0004def4e79e2ae545ca4&amp;msa=0&amp;ll=29.972483,-90.122395&amp;spn=0.105877,0.165653&amp;iwloc=0004e06232b3a9d95dfa8\" target=\"_blank\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone wp-image-3167\" src=\"http:\/\/housedivided.dickinson.edu\/sites\/lincoln\/files\/2013\/06\/Screen-shot-2014-01-25-at-3.33.11-PM.png\" alt=\"Screen shot 2014-01-25 at 3.33.11 PM\" width=\"484\" height=\"441\" srcset=\"https:\/\/housedivided.dickinson.edu\/sites\/lincoln\/files\/2013\/06\/Screen-shot-2014-01-25-at-3.33.11-PM.png 691w, https:\/\/housedivided.dickinson.edu\/sites\/lincoln\/files\/2013\/06\/Screen-shot-2014-01-25-at-3.33.11-PM-300x273.png 300w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 484px) 100vw, 484px\" \/><\/a><br \/>\n<a href=\"https:\/\/maps.google.com\/maps\/ms?msid=214923210427089848626.0004def4e79e2ae545ca4&amp;msa=0&amp;ll=29.972483,-90.122395&amp;spn=0.105877,0.165653&amp;iwloc=0004e06232b3a9d95dfa8\" target=\"_blank\">View in Larger Map\u00a0<\/a><\/p>\n<h3>How Historians Interpret<\/h3>\n<p>&#8220;Lincoln had no intention of feeding the robust Washington rumor mill by letting his plan out piecemeal. \u00a0Rather he was looking to shape a platform that could be widely accepted in the spirit of national interest. \u00a0To consolidate support he often floated positions that rose above parochialism, promoting a larger ideal that could be embraced by everyone. \u00a0Sometimes he did it through his famous cornpone parables, and sometimes by directly challenging his interlocutors to view a situation from his perspective. \u00a0He used this latter ploy a few days before he encountered Lucien Waters. \u00a0When Cuthbert Bullitt, the U.S. marshal for Louisiana, passed on complaints that the administration&#8217;s contraband policies were disadvantaging Unionist slaveholders in the state, the president retorted: &#8216;What would you do in my position? &#8230; Would you give up the contest leaving any available means unapplied?&#8217; \u00a0Then, in a masterful argument, he subordinated all other interests to the prime goal. \u00a0Everything he did, Lincoln protested, was done for one reason: to uphold the Union. \u00a0&#8216;The truth is, that what is done, and omitted, about the slaves, is done and omitted on the same military necessity. &#8230; I shall not do\u00a0more\u00a0than I can, and I shall do\u00a0all\u00a0I can to save the government, which is my sworn duty as well as my personal inclination.&#8217; \u00a0A few weeks later, Lincoln again moved to manage the public mindset when he published a similar response to a particularly critical\u00a0New York Tribune\u00a0piece by Horace Greeley, once more raising the Union above any other consideration. \u00a0Understanding that much of the citizenry needed justification for an action as bold as liberating the slaves, Lincoln made the one argument with which most everyone could agree.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>\u2013<a href=\"http:\/\/hdl.handle.net\/2027\/spo.2629860.0030.203\" target=\"_blank\">Elizabeth Brown Pryor, &#8220;Brief Encounter: \u00a0A New York Cavalryman&#8217;s Striking Conversation with Abraham Lincoln,&#8221;<i>\u00a0<\/i><em>Journal of the Abraham Lincoln Association\u00a0<\/em>30.2 (2009)<\/a><\/p>\n<h3>NOTE TO READERS<\/h3>\n<p>This page is under construction and will be developed further by students in the new \u201cUnderstanding Lincoln\u201d online course sponsored by the House Divided Project at Dickinson College and the Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History. To find out more about the course and to see some of our videotaped class sessions, including virtual field trips to Ford&#8217;s Theatre and Gettysburg, please visit our Livestream page at <a href=\"http:\/\/new.livestream.com\/gilderlehrman\/lincoln\" target=\"_blank\">http:\/\/new.livestream.com\/gilderlehrman\/lincoln<\/a><\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<h3><span style=\"color: #c0c0c0;\">Searchable Text<\/span><\/h3>\n<div>\n<div><span style=\"color: #c0c0c0;\"><em>PRIVATE<\/em><\/span><\/div>\n<div><span style=\"color: #c0c0c0;\">Washington D.C. July 28. 1862<\/span><\/div>\n<div><span style=\"color: #c0c0c0;\">\u00a0<\/span><\/div>\n<div><span style=\"color: #c0c0c0;\">Cuthbert Bullitt Esq\u00a0<\/span><\/div>\n<div><span style=\"color: #c0c0c0;\">New Orleans La.\u00a0<\/span><\/div>\n<div><span style=\"color: #c0c0c0;\">\u00a0<\/span><\/div>\n<div><span style=\"color: #c0c0c0;\">Sir:\u00a0<\/span><\/div>\n<div><span style=\"color: #c0c0c0;\">The copy of a letter addressed to yourself by Mr. Thomas J. Durant, has been shown to me. The writer appears to be an able, a dispassionate, and an entirely sincere man. The first part of the letter is devoted to an effort to show that the Secession Ordinance of Louisiana was adopted against the will of a majority of the people. This is probably true; and in that fact may be found some instruction. Why did they allow the Ordinance to go into effect? Why did they not assert themselves? Why stand passive and allow themselves to be trodden down by a minority? Why did they not hold popular meetings, and have a convention of their own, to express and enforce the true sentiment of the state? If preorganization was against them then, why not do this now, that the United States Army is present to protect them? The paralysis &#8211;the dead palsy-of the government in this whole struggle is, that this class of men will do nothing for the government, nothing for themselves, except demanding that the government shall not strike its open enemies, lest they be struck by accident!<\/span><\/div>\n<div><span style=\"color: #c0c0c0;\">Mr. Durant complains that in various ways the relation of master and slave is disturbed by the presence of our Army; and he considers it particularly vexatious that this, in part, is done under cover of an act of Congress, while constitutional guaranties are suspended on the plea of military necessity. The truth is, that what is done, and omitted, about slaves, is done and omitted on the same military necessity. It is a military necessity to have men and money; and we can get neither, in sufficient numbers, or amounts, if we keep from, or drive from, our lines, slaves coming to them. Mr. Durant cannot be ignorant of the pressure in this direction; nor of my efforts to hold it within bounds till he, and such as he shall have time to help themselves.<\/span><\/div>\n<div><span style=\"color: #c0c0c0;\">I am not posted to speak understandingly on all the police regulations of which Mr. Durant complains. If experience shows any one of them to be wrong, let them be set right. I think I can perceive, in the freedom of trade, which Mr. Durant urges, that he would relieve both friends and enemies from the pressure of the blockade. By this he would serve the enemy more effectively than the enemy is able to serve himself. I do not say or believe that to serve the enemy is the purpose of Mr. Durant; or that he is conscious of any purpose, other than national and patriotic ones. Still, if there were a class of men who, having no choice of sides in the contest, were anxious only to have quiet and comfort for themselves while it rages, and to fall in with the victorious side at the end of it, without loss to themselves, their advice as to the mode of conducting the contest would be precisely such as his is. He speaks of no duty&#8212;apparently thinks of none&#8212;resting upon Union men. He even thinks it injurious to the Union cause that they should be restrained in trade and passage without taking sides. They are to touch neither a sail nor a pump, but to be merely passengers,&#8212;dead-heads at that&#8212;to be carried snug and dry, throughout the storm, and safely landed right side up. Nay, more; even a mutineer is to go untouched lest these sacred passengers receive an accidental wound.<\/span><\/div>\n<div><span style=\"color: #c0c0c0;\">Of course the rebellion will never be suppressed in Louisiana, if the professed Union men there will neither help to do it, nor permit the government to do it without their help.<\/span><\/div>\n<div><span style=\"color: #c0c0c0;\">Now, I think the true remedy is very different from what is suggested by Mr. Durant. It does not lie in rounding the rough angles of the war, but in removing the necessity for the war. The people of Louisiana who wish protection to person and property, have but to reach forth their hands and take it. Let them, in good faith, reinaugurate the national authority, and set up a State Government conforming thereto under the constitution. They know how to do it, and can have the protection of the Army while doing it. The Army will be withdrawn so soon as such State government can dispense with its presence; and the people of the State can then upon the old Constitutional terms, govern themselves to their own liking. This is very simple and easy.<\/span><\/div>\n<div><span style=\"color: #c0c0c0;\">If they will not do this, if they prefer to hazard all for the sake of destroying the government, it is for them to consider whether it is probable I will surrender the government to save them from losing all. If they decline what I suggest, you scarcely need to ask what I will do. What would you do in my position? Would you drop the war where it is? Or, would you prosecute it in future, with elder-stalk squirts, charged with rose water? Would you deal lighter blows rather than heavier ones? Would you give up the contest, leaving any available means unapplied.<\/span><\/div>\n<div><span style=\"color: #c0c0c0;\">I am in no boastful mood. I shall not do more than I can, and I shall do all I can to save the government, which is my sworn duty as well as my personal inclination. I shall do nothing in malice. What I deal with is too vast for malicious dealing.\u00a0<\/span><\/div>\n<div><span style=\"color: #c0c0c0;\">Yours truly<\/span><\/div>\n<div><span style=\"color: #c0c0c0;\">A. LINCOLN<\/span><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div><\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Ranking #112 on the list of 150 Most Teachable Lincoln Documents Annotated Transcript &#8220;If they will not do this, if they prefer to hazard all for the sake of destroying the government, it is for them to consider whether it is probable I will surrender the government to save them from losing all. If they [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[10857],"tags":[10896,11632,10900,6088,11630,11669,10865,10862],"class_list":["post-1068","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-father-abraham","tag-anger","tag-determination","tag-emancipation","tag-letter","tag-military-affairs","tag-needs-close-reading","tag-private","tag-wartime"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/housedivided.dickinson.edu\/sites\/lincoln\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1068","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/housedivided.dickinson.edu\/sites\/lincoln\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/housedivided.dickinson.edu\/sites\/lincoln\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/housedivided.dickinson.edu\/sites\/lincoln\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/housedivided.dickinson.edu\/sites\/lincoln\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1068"}],"version-history":[{"count":14,"href":"https:\/\/housedivided.dickinson.edu\/sites\/lincoln\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1068\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":4363,"href":"https:\/\/housedivided.dickinson.edu\/sites\/lincoln\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1068\/revisions\/4363"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/housedivided.dickinson.edu\/sites\/lincoln\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1068"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/housedivided.dickinson.edu\/sites\/lincoln\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1068"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/housedivided.dickinson.edu\/sites\/lincoln\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1068"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}