{"id":1495,"date":"2013-07-03T17:57:02","date_gmt":"2013-07-03T17:57:02","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/housedivided.dickinson.edu\/sites\/lincoln\/?page_id=1495"},"modified":"2013-07-17T14:30:58","modified_gmt":"2013-07-17T14:30:58","slug":"slavery","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/housedivided.dickinson.edu\/sites\/lincoln\/slavery\/","title":{"rendered":"“Slavery”"},"content":{"rendered":"

Cooper Union Speech (February 27, 1860)<\/b><\/a><\/h3>\n

\u201c\u2026 The sum of the whole is, that of our thirty-nine fathers who framed the original Constitution, twenty-one—a clear majority of the whole—certainly understood that no proper division of local from federal authority, nor any part of the Constitution, forbade the Federal Government to control slavery<\/b> in the federal territories; while all the rest probably had the same understanding.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cAnd so assuming, I defy any man to show that any one of them ever, in his whole life, declared that, in his understanding, any proper division of local from federal authority, or any part of the Constitution, forbade the Federal Government to control as to slavery<\/b> in the federal territories.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cI defy any one to show that any living man in the whole world ever did, prior to the beginning of the present century, (and I might almost say prior to the beginning of the last half of the present century,) declare that, in his understanding, any proper division of local from federal authority, or any part of the Constitution, forbade the Federal Government to control as to slavery<\/b> in the federal territories.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cThis is all Republicans ask—all Republicans desire—in relation to slavery<\/b>. As those fathers marked it, so let it be again marked, as an evil not to be extended, but to be tolerated and protected only because of and so far as its actual presence among us makes that toleration and protection a necessity.\u201d<\/i><\/p>\n

\u201c<\/i>There is a judgment and a feeling against slavery<\/b> in this nation, which cast at least a million and a half of votes. You cannot destroy that judgment and feeling—that sentiment—by breaking up the political organization which rallies around it.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cWrong as we think slavery<\/b> is, we can yet afford to let it alone where it is, because that much is due to the necessity arising from its actual presence in the nation; but can we, while our votes will prevent it, allow it to spread into the National Territories, and to overrun us here in these Free States?\u201d<\/p>\n

First Inaugural Address (March 4, 1861)<\/b><\/a><\/h3>\n

\u201c\u2026One section of our country\u00a0<\/sup>believes slavery<\/b> is\u00a0right<\/i>, and ought to be extended, while the other believes it is\u00a0wrong<\/i>, and ought not to be extended. This is the only substantial dispute.\u201d<\/p>\n

Letter to Williamson Durley (October 3, 1845)<\/b><\/a><\/h3>\n

\u201cI was glad to hear you say that you intend to attempt to bring about, at the next election in Putnam, a union of the whigs proper, and such of the liberty men, as are whigs in principle on all questions save only that of slavery<\/b>.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cIf by your votes you could have prevented the\u00a0extention<\/i>, &c. of slavery<\/b>, would it not have been\u00a0good<\/i>\u00a0and not\u00a0evil<\/i>\u00a0so to have used your votes, even though it involved the casting of them for a slaveholder?\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cBy the\u00a0fruit<\/i>\u00a0the tree is to be known. An\u00a0evil<\/i>\u00a0tree can not bring forth\u00a0good<\/i>\u00a0fruit. If the fruit of electing Mr. Clay would have been to prevent the extension of slavery<\/b>, could the act of electing have been\u00a0evil<\/i>?\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cI never could see much good to come of annexation; inasmuch, as they were already a free republican people on our own model; on the other hand, I never could very clearly see how the annexation would augment the evil of slavery<\/b>.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cIt is possibly true, to some extent, that with annexation, some slaves may be sent to Texas and continued in slavery<\/b>, that otherwise might have been liberated. To whatever extent this may be true, I think annexation an evil.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cI hold it to be a paramount duty of us in the free states, due to the Union of the states, and perhaps to liberty itself (paradox though it may seem) to let the slavery<\/b> of the other states alone; while, on the other hand, I hold it to be equally clear, that we should never knowingly lend ourselves directly or indirectly, to prevent that slavery<\/b> from dying a natural death. . .\u201d<\/p>\n

House Divided Speech (June 16, 1858)<\/b><\/a><\/h3>\n

\u201cWe are now far into the\u00a0fifth<\/i>\u00a0year, since a policy was initiated, with the\u00a0avowed<\/i>\u00a0object, and\u00a0confident<\/i>\u00a0promise, of putting an end to slavery<\/b> agitation.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cEither the\u00a0opponents<\/i>\u00a0of slavery<\/b>, will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in course of ultimate extinction; or its\u00a0advocates<\/i>\u00a0will push it forward, till it shall become alike lawful in\u00a0all<\/i>\u00a0the States,\u00a0old<\/i>\u00a0as well as\u00a0new—North<\/i>\u00a0as well as\u00a0South<\/i>.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cHow can he oppose the advances of slavery<\/b>? He don’t\u00a0care<\/i>\u00a0anything about it. His avowed\u00a0mission is impressing<\/i>\u00a0the \u201cpublic heart\u201d to\u00a0care<\/i>\u00a0nothing about it\u2026.\u201d<\/p>\n

First Draft of Emancipation (July 22, 1862)<\/b><\/a><\/h3>\n

\u201cAnd I hereby make known that it is my purpose, upon the next meeting of congress, to again recommend the adoption of a practical measure for tendering pecuniary aid to the free choice or rejection, of any and all States which may then be recognizing and practically sustaining the authority of the United States, and which may then have voluntarily adopted, or thereafter may voluntarily adopt, gradual abolishment of slavery<\/b> within such State or States. . .\u201d<\/p>\n

Letter to Albert Hodges (April 4, 1864)<\/b><\/a><\/h3>\n

\u201cI am naturally anti-slavery<\/b>. If slavery<\/b> is not wrong, nothing is wrong. I can not remember when I did not so think, and feel. And yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially upon this judgment and feeling.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cI understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery<\/b>. I had publicly declared this many times, and in many ways. And I aver that, to this day, I have done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery<\/b>.\u201d<\/p>\n

Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that, to the best of my ability, I had even tried to preserve the constitution, if, to save slavery<\/b>, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and Constitution all together.\u201d<\/p>\n

Letter to Horace Greeley (August 22, 1862)<\/b><\/a><\/h3>\n

\u201cIf there be those who would not save the Union, unless they could at the same time\u00a0save<\/i>\u00a0slavery<\/b>, I do not agree with them. If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the same time destroy<\/i>\u00a0slavery<\/b>, I do not agree with them.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cMy paramount object in this struggle\u00a0is<\/i>\u00a0to save the Union, and is\u00a0not<\/i>\u00a0either to save or to destroy slavery<\/b>. If I could save the Union without freeing\u00a0any<\/i>\u00a0slave I would do it, and if I could save it by freeing\u00a0all<\/i>\u00a0the slaves I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone I would also do that.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cWhat I do about slavery<\/b>, and the colored race, I do because I believe it helps to save the Union; and what I forbear, I forbear because I do\u00a0not<\/i>\u00a0believe it would help to save the Union.\u201d<\/p>\n

Second Inaugural Address (March 4, 1865)<\/b><\/a><\/h3>\n

\u201cIf we shall suppose that American Slavery<\/strong> is one of those offences which, in the providence of God, must needs come, but which, having continued through His appointed time, He now wills to remove, and that He gives to both North and South, this terrible war, as the woe due to those by whom the offence came, shall we discern therein any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a Living God always ascribe to Him?\u201d<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Cooper Union Speech (February 27, 1860) \u201c\u2026 The sum of the whole is, that of our thirty-nine fathers who framed the original Constitution, twenty-one—a clear majority of the whole—certainly understood that no proper division of local from federal authority, nor any part of the Constitution, forbade the Federal Government to control slavery in the federal […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":78,"featured_media":0,"parent":0,"menu_order":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","template":"","meta":{"footnotes":""},"class_list":["post-1495","page","type-page","status-publish","hentry"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/housedivided.dickinson.edu\/sites\/lincoln\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/1495","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/housedivided.dickinson.edu\/sites\/lincoln\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/housedivided.dickinson.edu\/sites\/lincoln\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/page"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/housedivided.dickinson.edu\/sites\/lincoln\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/78"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/housedivided.dickinson.edu\/sites\/lincoln\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1495"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/housedivided.dickinson.edu\/sites\/lincoln\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/1495\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":1987,"href":"https:\/\/housedivided.dickinson.edu\/sites\/lincoln\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/1495\/revisions\/1987"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/housedivided.dickinson.edu\/sites\/lincoln\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1495"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}